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Flapping

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Flapping or tapping, also known as alveolar flapping, intervocalic flapping, or t-voicing, is a phonological process involving a voiced alveolar tap or flap; it is found in many varieties of English, especially North American, Cardiff, Ulster, Australian and New Zealand English, where the voiceless alveolar stop consonant phoneme /t/ is pronounced as a voiced alveolar flap [ษพ], a sound produced by briefly tapping the alveolar ridge with the tongue, when placed between vowels. In London English, the flapped [ษพ] is perceived as a casual pronunciation intermediate between the affricate [tsสฐ], with higher class associations, and the glottal stop [ส”], with lower class associations.[1] In these named varieties, outside of Britain, /d/, the voiced counterpart of /t/, is also frequently pronounced as a flap in such positions, making pairs of words like latter and ladder sound similar or identical. In similar positions, the combination /nt/ may be pronounced as a nasalized flap [ษพฬƒ], making winter sound similar or identical to winner.

Flapping of /t/ is sometimes perceived as the replacement of /t/ with /d/; for example, the word butter pronounced with flapping may be heard as "budder".[2]

In other dialects of English, such as South African English, Scottish English, some Northern England English (like Scouse), and older varieties of Received Pronunciation, the flap is a variant of /r/ (see Pronunciation of English /r/).[3]

Terminology and articulation

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The terms flap and tap are often used synonymously, although some authors make a distinction between them. When the distinction is made, a flap involves a rapid backward and forward movement of the tongue tip, while a tap involves an upward and downward movement.[4] Linguists disagree on whether the sound produced in the present process is a flap or a tap, and by extension on whether the process is better called flapping or tapping,[5] while flapping has traditionally been more widely used.[6][7] Derrick & Gick (2011) identify four types of sounds produced in the process: alveolar tap, down-flap, up-flap, and postalveolar tap (found in autumn, Berta, otter, and murder, respectively).[8]

In Cockney, another voiced variant of /t/ that has been reported to occur to coexist with the alveolar tap (and other allophones, such as the very common glottal stop) is a simple voiced alveolar stop [d], which occurs especially in the words little [หˆlษชdสŠ], hospital [หˆษ’spษชdสŠ] and whatever [wษ’หˆdษ›vษ™]. That too results in a (variable) merger with /d/, whereas the tap does not.[9]

In Cardiff English, the alveolar tap is less rapid than the corresponding sound in traditional RP, being more similar to /d/. It also involves a larger part of the tongue. Thus, the typical Cardiff pronunciation of hospital as [หˆษ‘spษชษพlฬฉ] or [หˆษ‘spษชษพสŠ] is quite similar to Cockney [หˆษ’spษชdสŠ], though it does not involve a neutralization of the flap with [d].[10]

Distribution

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Flapping of /t/ and /d/ is a prominent feature of North American English. Some linguists consider it obligatory for most American dialects to flap /t/ between a stressed and an unstressed vowel.[7][11] Flapping of /t/ also occurs in Australian, New Zealand and (especially Northern) Irish English, and more infrequently or variably in South African English, Cockney, and Received Pronunciation.[12][13][14]

The exact conditions for flapping in North American English are unknown, although it is widely understood that it occurs in an alveolar stop, /t/ or /d/, when placed between two vowels, provided the second vowel is unstressed (as in butter, writing, wedding, loader).[6][15] Across word boundaries, however, it can occur between any two vowels, provided the second vowel begins a word (as in get over [ษกษ›ษพหˆoสŠvษš]).[6][15] This extends to morphological boundaries within compound words (as in whatever [หŒwสŒษพหˆษ›vษš]).[16] In addition to vowels, segments that may precede the flap include /r/ (as in party)[11][17] and occasionally /l/ (as in faulty).[18][19] Flapping after /l/ is more common in Canadian English than in American English.[20] Syllabic /l/ may also follow the flap (as in bottle).[21] Flapping of /t/ before /ษ™n/ (as in button) is observed in Australian English.[22] In North American English, [t] and [ส”] (t-glottalization) were the only realizations of /t/ before /ษ™n/,[23] but studies in the 2020s have found [ษพ] in younger US speakers.[24]

Morpheme-internally, the vowel following the flap must not only be unstressed but also be a reduced one (namely /ษ™/, morpheme-final or prevocalic /i, oสŠ/, or /ษช/ preceding /ล‹/, /k/, etc.[a]),[26][27] so words like botox, retail, and latex are not flapped in spite of the primary stress on the first syllables,[11] while pity, motto, and Keating can be.[26] The second syllables in the former set of words can thus be considered as having secondary stress.[6]

Word-medial flapping is also prohibited in foot-initial positions. This prevents words such as militaristic, spirantization, and Mediterranean from flapping, despite capitalistic and alphabetization, for example, being flapped. This is known as the Withgott effect.[28][29]

In North American English, the cluster /nt/ (but not /nd/) in the same environment as flapped /t/ may be realized as a nasal flap [ษพฬƒ]. Intervocalic /n/ is also often realized as a nasal flap, so words like winter and winner can become homophonous.[30] According to Wells (1982), in the United States, Southerners tend to pronounce winter and winner identically, while Northerners, especially those from the east coast, tend to retain the distinction, pronouncing winter with [ษพฬƒ] or [nt] and winner with [n].[31]

Given these intricacies, it is difficult to formulate a phonological rule that accurately predicts flapping.[7] Nevertheless, Vaux (2000) postulates that it applies to alveolar stops:

  • after a sonorant other than l, m, or ล‹, but with restrictions on n;
  • before an unstressed vowel within words, or before any vowel across a word boundary;
  • when not in foot-initial position.[32]

Exceptions include the preposition/particle to and words derived from it, such as today, tonight, tomorrow, and together, wherein /t/ may be flapped when intervocalic (as in go to sleep [หŒษกoสŠษพษ™หˆslip]).[33] In Australian English, numerals thirteen, fourteen, and eighteen are often flapped despite the second vowel being stressed.[34][35] In a handful of words such as seventy, ninety, and carpenter, /nt/ is frequently pronounced as [nd], retaining /n/ and voicing /t/, although it may still become [ษพฬƒ] in rapid speech.[36][37]

Homophony

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Flapping is a specific type of lenition, specifically intervocalic weakening. It leads to the neutralization of the distinction between /t/ and /d/ in appropriate environments, a partial merger of the two phonemes, provided that both /t/ and /d/ are flapped.[5][38] Some speakers, however, flap only /t/ but not /d/. Yet, for a minority of speakers, the merger can occur only if neither sound is flapped. That is the case in Cockney, where /t/ is occasionally voiced to [d], yielding a variable merger of little and Lidl.[39] For speakers with the merger, the following utterances sound the same or almost the same:

Homophonous pairs
/-t-, -nt-/ /-d-, -n-/ IPA Notes
aborting aboarding ษ™หˆbษ”ษนษพษชล‹
alighted elided ษ™หˆlaษชษพษ™d With weak vowel merger.
ante Annie หˆรฆษพฬƒi
anti- Annie หˆรฆษพฬƒi
at 'em Adam หˆรฆษพษ™m
at 'em add 'em หˆรฆษพษ™m
atom Adam หˆรฆษพษ™m
atom add 'em หˆรฆษพษ™m
auntie Annie หˆรฆษพฬƒi
banter banner หˆbรฆษพฬƒษ™ษน
batter badder หˆbรฆษพษ™ษน
batty baddie หˆbรฆษพi
beating beading หˆbiหษพษชล‹
Bertie birdie หˆbษ™ษนษพi With fern-fir-fur merger.
Bertie Birdy; Birdie หˆbษ™ษนษพi With fern-fir-fur merger.
betting bedding หˆbษ›ษพษชล‹
biting biding หˆbaษชษพษชล‹
bitter bidder หˆbษชษพษ™ษน
bitting bidding หˆbษชษพษชล‹
bitty biddy หˆbษชษพi
blatter bladder หˆblรฆษพษ™ษน
bleating bleeding หˆbliหษพษชล‹
boating boding หˆboสŠษพษชล‹
bruter brooder หˆbษนuหษพษ™ษน With yod-dropping after /ษน/.
butting budding หˆbสŒษพษชล‹
butty buddy หˆbสŒษพi
canter canner หˆkรฆษพฬƒษ™ษน
canton cannon หˆkรฆษพฬƒษ™n
canton canon หˆkรฆษพฬƒษ™n
carting carding หˆkษ‘ษนษพษชล‹
catty caddy หˆkรฆษพi
centre; center sinner หˆsษชษพฬƒษ™ษน With penโ€“pin merger.
chanting Channing หˆtอกสƒรฆษพฬƒษชล‹
cited sided หˆsaษชษพษจd
citer cider หˆsaษชษพษ™ษน
clotting clodding หˆklษ’ษพษชล‹
coating coding หˆkoสŠษพษชล‹
courting chording หˆkษ”ษนษพษชล‹
courting cording หˆkษ”ษนษพษชล‹
cuttle cuddle หˆkสŒษพษ™l
cutty cuddy หˆkสŒษพi
daughter dodder หˆdษ‘ษพษ™ษน With cot-caught merger.
daunting dawning หˆdษ”ษพฬƒษชล‹
daunting donning หˆdษ‘ษพฬƒษชล‹ With cot-caught merger.
debtor deader หˆdษ›ษพษ™ษน
diluted deluded dษชหˆluหษพษ™d
don't it doughnut หˆdoสŠษพฬƒษ™t With weak vowel merger and toe-tow merger.
dotter dodder หˆdษ‘ษพษ™ษน
doughty dowdy หˆdaสŠษพi
eluted alluded ษ™หˆluหษพษ™d With weak vowel merger.
eluted eluded ษชหˆluหษพษ™d
enter in a หˆษชษพฬƒษ™ In non-rhotic accents with pen-pin merger.
enter inner หˆษชษพฬƒษ™ษน With pen-pin merger.
eta Ada หˆeษชษพษ™
fated faded หˆfeษชษพษจd
flutter flooder หˆflสŒษพษ™ษน
fontal faunal หˆfษ‘ษพฬƒษ™l With cot-caught merger.
futile feudal หˆfjuหษพษ™l With weak vowel merger.
garter guarder หˆษกษ‘ษนษพษ™ษน
gaunter goner หˆษกษ‘ษพฬƒษ™ษน With cot-caught merger.
goated goaded หˆษกoสŠษพษ™d
grater grader หˆษกษนeษชษพษ™ษน
greater grader หˆษกษนeษชษพษ™ษน
gritted gridded หˆษกษนษชษพษ™d
gritty Griddy หˆษกษนษชษพi
hearty hardy หˆhษ‘หษนษพi
heated heeded หˆhiหษพษจd With meet-meat merger.
Hetty; Hettie heady หˆhษ›ษพi
hurting herding หˆhษœหษนษพษชล‹ With fern-fir-fur merger.
inter- in a หˆษชษพฬƒษ™ In non-rhotic accents.
inter- inner หˆษชษพฬƒษ™ษน
iter eider หˆaษชษพษ™ษน
jaunty Johnny หˆdอกส’ษ‘ษพฬƒi With cot-caught merger.
jointing joining หˆdอกส’ษ”ษชษพฬƒษชล‹
kitted kidded หˆkษชษพษจd
kitty kiddie หˆkษชษพi
knotted nodded หˆnษ’ษพษจd
latter ladder หˆlรฆษพษ™ษน
lauded lotted หˆlษ‘ษพษ™d With cot-caught merger.
linty Lenny หˆlษชษพฬƒi With pen-pin merger.
liter leader หˆliหษพษ™ษน With meet-meat merger.
little Lidl หˆlษชษพษ™l
looter lewder หˆluหษพษ™ษน With yod-dropping after /l/.
manta manna หˆmรฆษพฬƒษ™
manta manner หˆmรฆษพฬƒษ™ In non-rhotic accents.
manta manor หˆmรฆษพฬƒษ™ In non-rhotic accents.
Marty Mardi หˆmษ‘หษนษพi In the term Mardi Gras.
matter madder หˆmรฆษพษ™ษน
mattocks Maddox หˆmรฆษพษ™ks
meant it minute หˆmษชษพฬƒษจt With penโ€“pin merger.
metal medal หˆmษ›ษพษ™l
metal meddle หˆmษ›ษพษ™l
mettle medal หˆmษ›ษพษ™l
mettle meddle หˆmษ›ษพษ™l
minty many หˆmษชษพฬƒi With penโ€“pin merger.
minty mini หˆmษชษพฬƒi
minty Minnie หˆmษชษพฬƒi
motile modal หˆmoสŠษพษ™l With weak vowel merger.
mottle model หˆmษ‘ษพษ™l
mutter mudder หˆmสŒษพษ™ษน
neater kneader หˆniหษพษ™ษน
neuter nuder หˆnuหษพษ™ษน, หˆnjuหษพษ™ษน, หˆnษชuษพษ™ษน
nighter nidor หˆnaษชษพษ™ษน
nitre; niter nidor หˆnaษชษพษ™ษน
noted noded หˆnoสŠษพษจd
oater odour; odor หˆoสŠษพษ™ษน
otter odder หˆษ’ษพษ™ษน
painting paining หˆpeษชษพฬƒษชล‹
panting panning หˆpรฆษพฬƒษชล‹
parity parody หˆpรฆษนษ™ษพi With weak vowel merger
patter padder หˆpรฆษพษ™ษน
patting padding หˆpรฆษพษชล‹
patty paddy หˆpรฆษพi
petal pedal หˆpษ›ษพษ™l
petal peddle หˆpษ›ษพษ™l
pettle pedal หˆpษ›ษพษ™l
pettle peddle หˆpษ›ษพษ™l
platted plaided หˆplรฆษพษ™d
planting planning หˆplรฆษพฬƒษชล‹
pleating pleading หˆpliหษพษชล‹
plenty Pliny หˆplษชษพฬƒi With penโ€“pin merger.
plotting plodding หˆplษ’ษพษชล‹
potted podded หˆpษ’ษพษจd
pouter powder หˆpaสŠษพษ™ษน
punting punning หˆpสŒษพฬƒษชล‹
putting pudding หˆpสŠษพษชล‹
rated raided หˆษนeษชษพษจd With pane-pain merger.
rattle raddle หˆษนรฆษพษ™l
righting riding หˆษนaษชษพษชล‹
roti roadie หˆษนoสŠษพi
rooter ruder หˆษนuหษพษ™ษน With yod-dropping after /ษน/.
rotting rodding หˆษนษ’ษพษชล‹
router ruder หˆษนuหษพษ™ษน With yod-dropping after /ษน/.
runty runny หˆษนสŒษพฬƒi
rutty ruddy หˆษนสŒษพi
sainting seining หˆseษชษพฬƒษชล‹
Saturday sadder day หˆsรฆษพษ™ษนdeษช
satyr Seder หˆseษชษพษ™ษน
saunter sauna หˆsษ”ษพฬƒษ™ In non-rhotic accents.
scented synod หˆsษชษพฬƒษ™d With pen-pin merger.
scenting sinning หˆsษชษพฬƒษชล‹ With pen-pin merger.
seating seeding หˆsiหษพษชล‹ With meet-meat merger.
sent it senate หˆsษ›ษพฬƒษจt
set it said it หˆsษ›ษพษจt
shunting shunning หˆสƒสŒษพฬƒษชล‹
shutter shudder หˆสƒสŒษพษ™ษน
sighted sided หˆsaษชษพษจd
sighter cider หˆsaษชษพษ™ษน
sinter sinner หˆsษชษพฬƒษ™ษน
sited sided หˆsaษชษพษจd
skitting skidding หˆskษชษพษชล‹
sorted sordid หˆsษ”ษนษพษจd
slighting sliding หˆslaษชษพษชล‹
stunting stunning หˆstสŒษพฬƒษชล‹
tarty tardy หˆtษ‘ษนษพi
tenter tenner หˆtษ›ษพฬƒษ™ษน
tenter tenor หˆtษ›ษพฬƒษ™ษน
tenting tinning หˆtษชษพษชล‹ With pen-pin merger.
title tidal หˆtaษชษพษ™l
toting toading หˆtoสŠษพษชล‹
traitor trader หˆtษนeษชษพษ™ษน With pane-pain merger.
tutor Tudor หˆtuหษพษ™ษน, หˆtjuหษพษ™ษน, หˆtษชuษพษ™ษน
tweeted tweeded หˆtwiหษพษ™d
utter udder หˆสŒษพษ™ษน
waiter wader หˆweษชษพษ™ษน With pane-pain merger.
wattle waddle หˆwษ‘ษพษ™l
weighted waded หˆweษชษพษ™d With pane-pain merger.
wetting wedding หˆwษ›ษพษชล‹
winter winner หˆwษชษพฬƒษ™ษน
wheated weeded หˆwiหษพษ™d With wine-whine merger.
whiter wider หˆwaษชษพษ™ษน With wineโ€“whine merger.
writing riding หˆษนaษชษพษชล‹

In accents characterized by Canadian raising, such words as riding and writing may be flapped yet still distinguished by the quality of the vowel: riding [หˆษนaษชษพษชล‹], writing [หˆษนสŒษชษพษชล‹].[40] Vowel duration may also be different, with a longer vowel before /d/ than before /t/, due to pre-fortis clipping.[41]

Withgott effect

[edit]

In a dissertation in 1982, M.M. Withgott demonstrated that, among speakers of American English, words seem to be chunked into pronunciation units she referred to as a foot, similar to a metrical unit in poetry. Such chunking was said to block flapping in the word โ€˜Mediterraneanโ€™ ([[Medi[terranean] ], cf. [ [sub[terranean]]). How a word is chunked relates to its morphological derivation, as seen by contrasting morphologically similar pairs such as the following (where the vertical bar shows where Withgott argued there is boundary between neighboring feet):

Initial-type t vs. flapped-t
military [หˆmษชlษจ | tสฐษ›ษนi] vs. capital [หˆkสฐรฆpษจษพlฬฉ]
militaristic [หŒmษชlษจ | tสฐษ™หˆษนษชstษชk] vs. capitalistic [หŒkสฐรฆpษจษพษ™ | หˆlษชstษชk]

The medial t in cร pitalรญstic can be flapped as easily as in post-stress cรกtty [หˆkสฐรฆษพi], in contrast to the medial t in mรฌlitarรญstic, which comes at the beginning of a foot, and so must be pronounced as [tสฐ], like a t at the beginning of a word.

Long, seemingly monomorphemic words also are chunked in English for purposes of pronunciation. In such words [t]โ€™s โ€” as well as the other unvoiced stops โ€” are pronounced like initial segments whenever they receive secondary stress or are at the beginning of a foot.

T-to-R rule

[edit]

The origins of the T-to-R rule lie in the flapping of /t/ and the subsequent reinterpretation of the flap as /r/, which was then followed by the use of the prevailing variant of /r/, namely the approximant [ษน]. It is applied in Northern England English and it is always stigmatized. The application of that rule means that shut in the phrasal verb to shut up /สƒสŠrหˆสŠp/ has a different phonemic form than the citation form of the verb to shut /สƒสŠt/. The rule is typically not applied in the word-internal position.[42]

The T-to-R rule has also been reported to occur in the Cardiff dialect (where the merged consonant can surface as either an approximant or a flap) and South African English (where only a flap is possible). In the Cardiff dialect, the rule is typically applied between any vowel (including long vowels) and /ษ™/ or the reduced /ษช/ (also across word boundaries), so that starting /หˆstaหtษชล‹/ and starring /หˆstaหrษชล‹/ can be homophonous as [หˆstaหษนษชn ~ หˆstaหษพษชn]. In South African English, the merger is possible only for those speakers who use the flapped allophone of /r/ (making the startingโ€“starring minimal pair homophonous as [หˆstษ‘หษพษชล‹]), otherwise the sounds are distinguished as a flap (or a voiceless stop) for /t/ ([หˆstษ‘หษพษชล‹ ~ stษ‘หtษชล‹]) vs. approximant for /r/ ([หˆstษ‘หษนษชล‹]). There, the merger occurs word-internally between vowels in those environments where flapping is possible in North American English.[43][10]

Homophonous pairs
/t/ /r/ IPA Notes
battle barrel หˆbรฆษพษ™l
batty Barrie หˆbรฆษพi
batty Barry หˆbรฆษพi
betty berry หˆbษ›ษพi
but a borough หˆbษ™ษพษ™ In Cardiff English. But has an alternative form /bษ™/, with an elided /t/.[44]
butter borough หˆbสŒษพษ™
catty carry หˆkรฆษพi
catty kar(r)ee หˆkรฆษพi
daughter Dora หˆdษ”หษพษ™
Fetty ferry หˆfษ›ษพi
hotter horror หˆhษ’ษพษ™
jetty jerry หˆdอกส’ษ›ษพi
Lottie lorry หˆlษ’ษพi
matty marry หˆmรฆษพi
otter horror หˆษ’ษพษ™ With h-dropping.
petty Perry หˆpษ›ษพi
starting starring หˆstษ‘หษพษชล‹
tarty tarry หˆtษ‘หษพi Tarry in the sense "resembling tar".

See also

[edit]

Notes

[edit]
  1. ^ Since North American English normally lacks the distinction between /ษช/ and /ษ™/ in unstressed positions, there is variability among linguists and dictionaries in the treatment of unstressed vowels pronounced as /ษช/ in other varieties of English that have the distinction. They are usually identified as /ษช/ before palato-alveolar and velar consonants (/สƒ, tสƒ, dส’, k, ษก, ล‹/) and in prefixes such as re-, e-, de-, and as /ษ™/ elsewhere.[25]

References

[edit]
  1. ^ Wells (1982), p. 325.
  2. ^ E.g. in Fox (2011:158).
  3. ^ Ogden (2009), p. 92.
  4. ^ Ladefoged & Johnson (2011), pp. 175โ€“176.
  5. ^ a b Wells (1982), p. 249.
  6. ^ a b c d de Jong (1998), p. 284.
  7. ^ a b c Shockey (2003), p. 29.
  8. ^ Derrick & Gick (2011), pp. 309โ€“312.
  9. ^ Wells (1982), p. 326.
  10. ^ a b Collins & Mees (1990), pp. 91โ€“92.
  11. ^ a b c Goldsmith (2011), p. 191.
  12. ^ Shockey (2003), p. 30.
  13. ^ Trudgill & Hannah (2008), pp. 24, 30, 35, 104.
  14. ^ Hickey (2007), p. 115.
  15. ^ a b Goldsmith (2011), pp. 191โ€“192.
  16. ^ Hualde (2011), p. 2230.
  17. ^ Hayes (2009), p. 143.
  18. ^ Boberg (2015), p. 236.
  19. ^ Jones (2011), p. xi.
  20. ^ Brinton & Fee (2001), p. 428.
  21. ^ Wells (1982), p. 248.
  22. ^ Tollfree (2001), pp. 57โ€“58.
  23. ^ Wells (1982), p. 251.
  24. ^ Repetti-Ludlow & Blake (2024).
  25. ^ Wells (2000), p. xv.
  26. ^ a b Hayes (1995), pp. 14โ€“15.
  27. ^ Wells (2011).
  28. ^ Vaux (2000), p. 5.
  29. ^ Bรฉrces (2011), pp. 84โ€“89.
  30. ^ Ladefoged & Johnson (2011), pp. 74โ€“75.
  31. ^ Wells (1982), p. 252.
  32. ^ Vaux (2000), pp. 4โ€“5.
  33. ^ Goldsmith (2011), p. 192.
  34. ^ Horvath (2004), p. 635.
  35. ^ Vaux (2000), p. 7.
  36. ^ Vaux (2000), pp. 6โ€“7.
  37. ^ Iverson & Ahn (2007), pp. 262โ€“263.
  38. ^ Hayes (2009), p. 144.
  39. ^ Wells (1982), pp. 250, 326.
  40. ^ Hayes (2009), pp. 144โ€“146.
  41. ^ Gussenhoven & Jacobs (2017), p. 217.
  42. ^ Wells (1982), p. 370.
  43. ^ Wells (1982), pp. 616โ€“618.
  44. ^ Collins & Mees (1990), p. 99.

Bibliography

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  • Bรฉrces, Katalin Balognรฉ (2011). "Weak and semiweak phonological positions in English". Journal of English Studies. 9: 75โ€“96. doi:10.18172/jes.160.
  • Boberg, Charles (2015). "North American English". In Reed, Marnie; Levis, John M. (eds.). The Handbook of English Pronunciation. Wiley. pp. 229โ€“250. doi:10.1002/9781118346952.ch13. ISBN 978-1-11831447-0.
  • Brinton, Laurel J.; Fee, Margery (2001). "Canadian English". In Algeo, John (ed.). The Cambridge History of the English Language. Vol. VI: English in North America. Cambridge University Press. pp. 422โ€“440. doi:10.1017/CHOL9780521264792.013. ISBN 0-521-26479-0.
  • Collins, Beverley; Mees, Inger M. (1990), "The Phonetics of Cardiff English", in Coupland, Nikolas; Thomas, Alan Richard (eds.), English in Wales: Diversity, Conflict, and Change, Multilingual Matters Ltd., pp. 87โ€“103, ISBN 1-85359-032-0
  • de Jong, Kenneth (1998). "Stress-related variation in the articulation of coda alveolar stops: flapping revisited". Journal of Phonetics. 26 (3): 283โ€“310. doi:10.1006/jpho.1998.0077.
  • Derrick, Donald; Gick, Bryan (2011). "Individual variation in English flaps and taps: a case of categorical phonetics". Canadian Journal of Linguistics. 56 (3): 307โ€“319. doi:10.1017/S0008413100002024. S2CID 231889893.
  • Fox, Kirsten (2011). VCE English Language: Exam Guide (2nd ed.). Insight Publications. ISBN 978-1-92141193-9.
  • Goldsmith, John (2011). "The Syllable". In Goldsmith, John; Riggle, Jason; Yu, Alan C. L. (eds.). The Handbook of Phonological Theory (2nd ed.). Wiley-Blackwell. pp. 164โ€“196. doi:10.1002/9781444343069.ch6. ISBN 978-1-4051-5768-1.
  • Gussenhoven, Carlos; Jacobs, Haike (2017). Understanding Phonology (4th ed.). Routledge. ISBN 978-1-35197471-4.
  • Hayes, Bruce (1995). Metrical Stress Theory: Principles and Case Studies. University of Chicago Press. ISBN 0-22632104-5.
  • Hayes, Bruce (2009). Introductory Phonology. Blackwell. ISBN 978-1-4051-8411-3.
  • Hickey, Raymond (2007). Irish English: History and Present-day Forms. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-85299-9.
  • Horvath, Barbara M. (2004). "Australian English: phonology". In Schneider, Edgar W.; Burridge, Kate; Kortmann, Bernd; Upton, Clive (eds.). A Handbook of Varieties of English. Vol. 1: Phonology. Mouton de Gruyter. pp. 625โ€“644. doi:10.1515/9783110175325.1.625. ISBN 3-11-017532-0. S2CID 243507016.
  • Hualde, Josรฉ Ignacio (2011). "Sound Change". In van Oostendorp, Marc; Ewen, Colin J.; Hume, Elizabeth; Rice, Keren (eds.). The Blackwell Companion to Phonology: Volume IV โ€“ Phonological Interfaces. Wiley-Blackwell. pp. 2214โ€“2235. ISBN 978-1-40518423-6.
  • Iverson, Gregory K.; Ahn, Sang-Cheol (2007). "English voicing in dimensional theory" (PDF). Language Sciences. 29 (2โ€“3): 247โ€“269. doi:10.1016/j.langsci.2006.12.012. PMC 2390816. PMID 18496590. Archived from the original (PDF) on 15 April 2012.
  • Jones, Daniel (2011). Roach, Peter; Setter, Jane; Esling, John (eds.). Cambridge English Pronouncing Dictionary (18th ed.). Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-15255-6.
  • Ladefoged, Peter; Johnson, Keith (2011). A Course in Phonetics (6th ed.). Wadsworth. ISBN 978-1-42823126-9.
  • Ogden, Richard (2009). An Introduction to English Phonetics. Edinburgh University Press. ISBN 978-0-7486-2541-3.
  • Repetti-Ludlow, Chiara; Blake, Renee (2024). "You Best Button [bสŒษพษ™n] it up: An American English Change-in-progress with People Identified as Black Taking the Lead". University of Pennsylvania Working Papers in Linguistics. 30 (2): 100โ€“108. hdl:20.500.14332/60615.
  • Shockey, Linda (2003). Sound Patterns of Spoken English. Blackwell. ISBN 0-63123079-3.
  • Tollfree, Laura (2001). "Variation and change in Australian consonants: reduction of /t/". In Blair, David; Collins, Peter (eds.). English in Australia. John Benjamins. pp. 45โ€“67. doi:10.1075/veaw.g26.06tol. ISBN 90-272-4884-2.
  • Trudgill, Peter; Hannah, Jean (2008). International English: A Guide to the Varieties of Standard English (5th ed.). Routledge. ISBN 978-0-340-97161-1.
  • Vaux, Bert (2000). Flapping in English (PDF). Linguistic Society of America. Chicago. Archived from the original (PDF) on 15 June 2001.
  • Wells, John C. (1982). Accents of English. Vol. 1: An Introduction (pp. iโ€“xx, 1โ€“278), Vol. 2: The British Isles (pp. iโ€“xx, 279โ€“466), Vol. 3: Beyond the British Isles (pp. iโ€“xx, 467โ€“674). Cambridge University Press. doi:10.1017/CBO9780511611759, doi:10.1017/CBO9780511611766. ISBN 0-52129719-2 , 0-52128540-2 , 0-52128541-0 .
  • Wells, John C. (2000). Longman Pronunciation Dictionary (2nd ed.). Longman. ISBN 0-582-36467-1.
  • Wells, John C. (25 March 2011). "strong and weak". John Wells's phonetic blog.

Further reading

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  • Withgott, M. Margaret. 1982. Segmental Evidence for Phonological Constituents. Ph.D. Dissertation for the University of Texas at Austin.
  • Iverson, Gregory K. and Sang-Cheol Ahn. 2004. English Voicing in Dimensional Theory. Language Sciences (Phonology of English).
  • Kahn, Daniel. 1976. Syllable-Based Generalizations in English Phonology. Ph.D. Dissertation for the University of Massachusetts reproduced by I.U. Linguistics Club.
  • Steriade, Donca. 1999. Paradigm uniformity and the phonetics-phonology boundary. In M. Broe and J. Pierrehumbert (eds.), Papers in Laboratory Phonology V: Acquisition and the lexicon, 313-334. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.